2025 Mid-Cycle Redistricting
In September 2025, Missouri's legislature redrew congressional district boundaries outside the normal post-census cycle. Here's what happened, why it matters, and how it ended.
Status: Voters rejected Proposition A. Missouri keeps the 2022 map.
On November 3, 2026, Missouri voters rejected the 2025 congressional map on Proposition A. In unofficial results, about 61.8% voted No and 38.2% voted Yes (Springfield Daily Citizen; the AP called the race for No). The 2025 map is repealed, and the 2022 map stays in place for 2028 and beyond unless the legislature passes a new one.
Before the vote, on September 25, 2026, the U.S. Supreme Court blocked the 8th Circuit's order to use the 2025 map, so the November 2026 congressional elections used the 2022 districts. The unsigned order had no noted dissents. It found that "at this late date, ordering reversion to the 2025 map in the midst of an ongoing election would usher in electoral chaos." This was the third time in September that the Court refused to let the 2025 map take effect. Nominees chosen in the August primary under the 2025 lines appeared on the ballot in the 2022 districts. Results are unofficial until certified.
What Happened
On August 29, 2025, Gov. Mike Kehoe called a special session of the Missouri General Assembly to redraw the state's eight congressional districts. The effort was part of a broader national push — coordinated by the White House and the National Republican Redistricting Trust — to redraw maps in several states ahead of the 2026 midterms to protect the Republican House majority.
The Missouri House passed HB 1 on September 9 (90-65, party-line), the Senate followed on September 12 (21-11), and Gov. Kehoe signed it into law on September 28, 2025.
The Maps: Before and After
Pan and zoom either map — both stay in sync. Click a district for population and demographic breakdown.
| District | 2022 Map | HB 1 (2025) | Partisan Shift |
|---|---|---|---|
| CD-1 | St. Louis (safe D) | Minimal changes | Stays D |
| CD-2 | St. Louis suburbs (R+11) | Extended into southern MO | R+11 → R+14 |
| CD-3 | Central/northeast MO | More compact, St. Charles to Hannibal | Stays R+20 |
| CD-4 | West-central MO (safe R) | Gains part of Kansas City (west of Troost) | More safely R |
| CD-5 | Kansas City (safe D, Rep. Cleaver) | KC remnant + 14 rural counties east to Osage County | Solid D → Solid R |
| CD-6 | Northwest MO (safe R) | Gains part of Kansas City | Stays safely R |
| CD-7 | Southwest MO (safe R) | No significant change | No change |
| CD-8 | Southeast MO (safe R) | No significant change | No change |
Net effect: Projected delegation shifts from 6R-2D to 7R-1D. CD-5 is the primary target. The 2025 map is not in effect for the 2026 election; its future depends on Proposition A.
Impact on Communities
Kansas City Split
Under the current map, Kansas City is largely contained within CD-5. The HB 1 map splits the city across three districts (CD-4, CD-5, and CD-6), diluting its concentrated voting power. The new CD-5 stretches from a sliver of Kansas City eastward through 14 rural counties to Osage County.
Troost Avenue & Racial History
The new map uses Troost Avenue — Kansas City's historic line of racial segregation since the 1920s — as a dividing line between CD-4 and CD-5. Majority-Black neighborhoods east of Troost are placed into the rural-stretching CD-5, while predominantly white neighborhoods west of Troost go to CD-4. Critics say this reopens long-standing racial wounds; supporters say the line follows existing political boundaries.
Rep. Cleaver's District
Rep. Emanuel Cleaver (D), who has represented CD-5 since 2005 and won reelection with over 60% in both 2022 and 2024, now faces a district that leans heavily Republican. Four Republican candidates filed for the redrawn seat shortly after the map was signed. Inside Elections shifted the seat rating from Solid D to Solid R.
Rural Communities
The new CD-5 pairs Kansas City urban voters with rural voters across 14 counties who have different policy priorities — agriculture, broadband access, and rural healthcare vs. urban transit, housing, and city services. Both communities may find their specific concerns diluted in a sprawling, mixed district.
Legal Arguments
Mid-cycle redistricting raises important constitutional questions. Both sides present substantive legal arguments grounded in federal and state law. The Missouri Supreme Court settled the state-constitution question in March 2026 by upholding the legislature's power to redraw mid-decade. The dispute has since shifted to the referendum and the federal courts (see Where It Stands).
Arguments Supporting the New Map
Constitutional Authority
The U.S. Constitution's Elections Clause (Art. I, Sec. 4) grants state legislatures broad authority over congressional election procedures. Neither federal law nor the Constitution limits redistricting to once per decade.
Supreme Court Precedent
In LULAC v. Perry (2006), the U.S. Supreme Court explicitly ruled that mid-decade redistricting is not per se unconstitutional. Texas's 2003 mid-cycle redistricting was upheld. States may redistrict as often as they choose.
Governor's Justification
Gov. Kehoe stated the existing map "may be vulnerable to a legal challenge under the Voting Rights Act and the Fourteenth Amendment, due to a lack of compactness in certain districts."
State Constitution
Supporters argue that Missouri's once-per-decade redistricting language applies only to state legislative districts, not congressional districts, leaving the legislature free to redraw congressional maps at any time.
Arguments Opposing the New Map
Missouri Constitution
The ACLU and Campaign Legal Center argue the Missouri Constitution permits congressional redistricting only once per decade following the decennial census. They also claim the new districts violate the state's compactness requirement (Art. III, Sec. 45), which requires districts be "as compact as may be."
Voting Rights Act
Six of nine House members targeted by Republican redistricting efforts nationally are Black or Latino. Critics argue the maps dilute minority voting power in potential violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.
Partisan Gerrymandering
Opponents characterize the map as a partisan gerrymander drawn purely to maximize Republican seats with no legitimate justification — no new census data, no court order, no significant population shifts since 2020.
Historical Norms
Before Texas in 2003, no state had attempted mid-decade redistricting for partisan purposes since the Supreme Court's "one person, one vote" decisions. Critics warn that normalizing mid-cycle redraws invites an escalating cycle of retaliatory gerrymandering.
Where It Stands
Last updated September 26, 2026.
State Constitutional Challenge: Resolved
Voters represented by the ACLU, ACLU of Missouri, and Campaign Legal Center argued that the Missouri Constitution allows congressional redistricting only once a decade. On March 24, 2026, the Missouri Supreme Court disagreed in Luther v. Hoskins (4-3, opinion by Judge Zel Fischer). It held that Article III, Section 45 requires lawmakers to redraw districts after each census but does not prohibit redrawing them at other times. That ended the argument that mid-decade redistricting is unconstitutional under state law.
Citizen Referendum: Rejected by Voters as Proposition A
The citizen group People Not Politicians submitted about 305,000 signatures in December 2025 to force a statewide vote on HB 1. Secretary of State Denny Hoskins (R) refused to certify the petition. He argued that signatures gathered before he approved the petition form on October 14, 2025 were invalid, and that congressional maps cannot be put to a referendum at all. Two Cole County circuit judges agreed with him in August 2026.
On September 3, 2026, the Missouri Supreme Court unanimously reversed them in von Glahn v. Hoskins (opinion by Judge Ginger Gooch). It held that the constitution's referendum power over "any act of the general assembly" includes congressional redistricting, and that the petition was "legal, sufficient, and timely." A qualifying referendum suspends the law it targets, so the court concluded that the 2025 map "is not the law and has never been the law." It ordered the 2022 map used in November. Candidates nominated in the August primary remain on the ballot.
Result: On November 3, 2026, voters rejected Proposition A, about 61.8% to 38.2% in unofficial results. A Yes vote would have approved the 2025 map. The No majority repealed it and kept the 2022 map.
Federal Court Fight: Resolved for 2026
The August primary was held under the 2025 map. After the state ruling, Republican nominee Rick Brattin, Rep. Bob Onder, and two voters sued in federal court. They argued that switching to the 2022 map after the primary violates the 14th Amendment's Equal Protection Clause and Article I, Section 2 of the U.S. Constitution. Voters would face general-election nominees chosen in different districts.
- Sept 8: Justice Brett Kavanaugh denied Secretary Hoskins' request to pause the Missouri Supreme Court ruling. The same day, Chief U.S. District Judge Stephen Clark issued a temporary restraining order requiring the 2025 map.
- Sept 10: The full U.S. Supreme Court stayed Judge Clark's order in a brief unsigned order with no noted dissents. People Not Politicians had argued that a single judge could not issue the order because such challenges require a three-judge court.
- Sept 21: A unanimous 8th Circuit panel held that "only use of the 2025 map complies with the Constitution and federal law." It noted that Missourians had already filed, campaigned, and voted under that map. The court directed entry of a permanent order but paused it until 5 p.m. on September 28.
- Sept 22: People Not Politicians asked the U.S. Supreme Court to clarify that its September 10 order still controls, or to block the 8th Circuit ruling. They invoked the Purcell principle, which holds that courts should not change election rules close to an election. Justice Kavanaugh ordered a response by September 23.
- Sept 25: In an unsigned order with no noted dissents, the U.S. Supreme Court blocked the 8th Circuit ruling and required the 2022 map for November. It noted that "ballots using the 2022 map have been printed and mailed" and that "the election is not merely upcoming; it has already started." It also rebuked the appeals court: "Given this Court's two prior orders in this litigation, our conclusion that this was error should come as no surprise." The order bars lower federal courts from requiring the 2025 map for the 2026 elections.
Absentee and military/overseas voting under the 2022 districts is already underway. About 30 counties are in a different congressional district under the 2022 map than under the 2025 map. Secretary of State Hoskins has said there will be no new primary. Nominees chosen in August appear on the ballot in the 2022 districts, so Rep. Emanuel Cleaver (D) faces state Sen. Rick Brattin (R) in the 2022 version of CD-5.
Reactions to the September 25 Ruling
- Gov. Mike Kehoe (R): "It is disappointing that today's decision… means Missouri will conduct its November general election under a different congressional map than its primary election. Voters deserved consistency and certainty… Nevertheless, Missouri will follow the Court's order."
- State Sen. Rick Brattin (R), CD-5 nominee and plaintiff: called the outcome "the most unprecedented form of voter disenfranchisement in American history."
- Secretary of State Denny Hoskins (R): "I appreciate the final clarity."
- Rep. Emanuel Cleaver (D): "The people won this battle."
- Richard von Glahn, People Not Politicians: "People, not politicians will be the final deciders… We are moving forward to vote NO on Proposition A."
What's Next After Proposition A
The Supreme Court's order settled which map applied in 2026, and Proposition A settled the 2025 map's fate: voters rejected it, so the 2022 map remains in place for 2028 and beyond. The legislature could still pass a different map later, and voters could challenge any new map by referendum. This page will be updated once the results are certified. What your vote means →
The Arguments Before the Court
Case for Using the 2025 Map
The primary was lawfully held under the 2025 districts, and nominees were chosen there. Holding the general election under different lines would pair voters with nominees they had no chance to choose. Attorney General Catherine Hanaway called the state ruling "a full-fledged constitutional crisis." Supporters also argue that the U.S. Constitution assigns congressional districting to the legislature.
Case for Using the 2022 Map
Missouri's highest court has ruled that the valid referendum suspended the 2025 map before the primary, so the map never took legal effect. The U.S. Supreme Court had already twice left that outcome in place. Switching maps again after ballots are printed and mailed would cause the kind of voter confusion Purcell is meant to prevent.
Proposition A: The Result
On November 3, 2026, Missouri voters rejected Proposition A, about 61.8% No to 38.2% Yes in unofficial results, so the 2022 map will be used starting with the 2028 elections. The 2026 election used the 2022 map regardless. Below is what each outcome would have done.
"Do the people of the state of Missouri approve the act of the General Assembly entitled 'House Bill No. 1 (2025 Second Extraordinary Session),' which repeals Missouri's existing congressional plan, and replaces it with new congressional boundaries that keep more counties intact?"
A YES vote
Approves the 2025 map (HB 1)
- The 2025 map takes effect and is used for the 2028 and 2030 congressional elections.
- Kansas City is split among three districts (CD-4, CD-5, and CD-6). CD-5 extends east through rural counties to Osage County.
- Based on past voting patterns, analysts project a 7 Republican – 1 Democratic delegation.
- The map's supporters say it keeps more counties intact and is more compact.
A NO vote
Rejects the 2025 map (HB 1). This outcome won.
- The 2025 map is repealed. The 2022 map, drawn after the 2020 census, stays in place for 2028 and beyond.
- Kansas City stays largely within CD-5.
- Based on past voting patterns, analysts project a 6 Republican – 2 Democratic delegation, the same as today.
- The legislature could still pass a different map later. The Missouri Supreme Court has ruled that mid-decade redistricting is allowed, and voters could again challenge any new map by referendum.
Next: Proposition A needed a simple majority of votes cast statewide. Missouri will redraw its districts again after the 2030 census, in time for the 2032 elections.
See the difference yourself: Use the side-by-side map comparison above: zoom to your area to see which district you would be in under each map.
National Context
Missouri's redistricting was part of a coordinated national effort. The White House and National Republican Redistricting Trust worked with state legislatures in multiple states to redraw maps ahead of the 2026 midterms. In response, Democratic-controlled states like California also engaged in counter-redistricting.
| State | Party | Status | Seats Targeted |
|---|---|---|---|
| Texas | R | Enacted Aug 2025; upheld in court | 5 D seats |
| Missouri | R | Enacted Sept 2025; rejected by voters in referendum (Prop. A, Nov 2026); 2022 map remains | 1 D seat |
| North Carolina | R | New map passed | 1-2 D seats |
| Indiana | R | Failed — 21 R senators voted no with all Democrats | 1 D seat |
| Kansas | R | Stalled — insufficient intra-party votes | 1 D seat |
| California | D | Counter-redistricting in response | 5 R seats |
By end of 2025, Republicans gained approximately 9 newly favorable seats through redistricting nationally, compared to approximately 6 for Democrats.
Sources & Data
District boundaries are from the Missouri Spatial Data Information Service (MSDIS). The current map shows the 2022 enacted boundaries from Census TIGER/Line files; the HB 1 map shows the 2025 boundaries as signed into law.
- MSDIS Open Data Portal — HB 1 district shapefiles
- Governor's Office — HB 1 signing announcement
- ACLU — Legal challenge filings
- Ballotpedia — Redistricting overview and referendum status
- Wikipedia — 2025 Missouri redistricting timeline
- Luther v. Hoskins — Missouri Supreme Court, March 24, 2026
- von Glahn v. Hoskins — Missouri Supreme Court, September 3, 2026
- SCOTUSblog — Federal litigation and U.S. Supreme Court orders
- KCUR — 8th Circuit ruling and ballot status
- Ballotpedia — Proposition A referendum
- St. Louis Public Radio — Proposition A result
- Springfield Daily Citizen — Nov. 3 unofficial results
News Coverage of the September 25 Ruling
- St. Louis Public Radio — U.S. Supreme Court again blocks Missouri from using Trump-backed congressional map
- Missouri Independent — US Supreme Court again blocks Missouri's gerrymandered congressional map
- Jefferson City News-Tribune — Supreme Court orders usage of 2022 map in November election
- Roll Call — Supreme Court again rejects Missouri effort to use GOP-friendly map
- ABC News — Supreme Court shuts down Missouri redistricting saga in final rebuff to GOP
- The Federalist — SCOTUS blocks Missouri's GOP-backed map — again
- KMOV First Alert 4 — Local officials react to Supreme Court decision
This page presents factual information from public sources. Show-Me Districts is a nonpartisan civic transparency project and does not advocate for or against any redistricting plan.